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    It drives the national debate through real, honest journalism—not by misrepresenting or ignoring the facts. We are part of the only organization purely dedicated to this critical mission and we need your help to fuel this fight.

    Donate today to help CNSNews continue to report on topics that the liberal media refuse to touch. Gregory Meeks, D-N.

    Countries will trade with or without the United States. The question is, Who writes the rules that govern trade? Who will make sure they protect workers, the environment, transparency, and middle-class wages?

    The United States, not China, should be leading that effort. As president, I will not enter into any new trade agreements until we have invested in Americans and equipped them to succeed in the global economy.

    And I will not negotiate new deals without having labor and environmental leaders at the table in a meaningful way and without including strong enforcement provisions to hold our partners to the deals they sign.

    China represents a special challenge. I have spent many hours with its leaders, and I understand what we are up against.

    China is playing the long game by extending its global reach, promoting its own political model, and investing in the technologies of the future.

    The United States does need to get tough with China. If China has its way, it will keep robbing the United States and American companies of their technology and intellectual property.

    It will also keep using subsidies to give its state-owned enterprises an unfair advantage—and a leg up on dominating the technologies and industries of the future.

    The most effective way to meet that challenge is to build a united front of U. When we join together with fellow democracies, our strength more than doubles.

    That gives us substantial leverage to shape the rules of the road on everything from the environment to labor, trade, technology, and transparency, so they continue to reflect democratic interests and values.

    The Biden foreign policy agenda will place the United States back at the head of the table, in a position to work with its allies and partners to mobilize collective action on global threats.

    The world does not organize itself. For 70 years, the United States, under Democratic and Republican presidents, played a leading role in writing the rules, forging the agreements, and animating the institutions that guide relations among nations and advance collective security and prosperity— until Trump.

    American leadership is not infallible; we have made missteps and mistakes. Too often, we have relied solely on the might of our military instead of drawing on our full array of strengths.

    I will never hesitate to protect the American people, including, when necessary, by using force. Of all the roles a president of the United States must fill, none is more consequential than that of commander in chief.

    The United States has the strongest military in the world, and as president, I will ensure it stays that way, making the investments necessary to equip our troops for the challenges of this century, not the last one.

    But the use of force should be the last resort, not the first. It should be used only to defend U.

    It is past time to end the forever wars , which have cost the United States untold blood and treasure. As I have long argued, we should bring the vast majority of our troops home from the wars in Afghanistan and the Middle East and narrowly define our mission as defeating al Qaeda and the Islamic State or ISIS.

    We should also end our support for the Saudi-led war in Yemen. We must maintain our focus on counterterrorism, around the world and at home, but staying entrenched in unwinnable conflicts drains our capacity to lead on other issues that require our attention, and it prevents us from rebuilding the other instruments of American power.

    We can be strong and smart at the same time. There is a big difference between large-scale, open-ended deployments of tens of thousands of American combat troops, which must end, and using a few hundred Special Forces soldiers and intelligence assets to support local partners against a common enemy.

    Those smaller-scale missions are sustainable militarily, economically, and politically, and they advance the national interest.

    Yet diplomacy should be the first instrument of American power. I am proud of what American diplomacy achieved during the Obama-Biden administration, from driving global efforts to bring the Paris climate agreement into force, to leading the international response to end the Ebola outbreak in West Africa, to securing the landmark multilateral deal to stop Iran from obtaining nuclear weapons.

    Diplomacy is not just a series of handshakes and photo ops. For more information about Section , please visit the DoD Section website.

    Find Us on Facebook. In many Catholic countries, the papal nuncio is always considered the dean of the diplomatic corps. The ranks established by the Vienna Convention modify a more elaborate system of ranks that was established by the Congress of Vienna : [5].

    The rank of envoy was short for "envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary", and was more commonly known as "minister". An Ambassador was regarded as the personal representative of his sovereign as well as his government.

    Because of diplomatic reciprocity, Great Powers would only send a minister to a smaller monarchy or a republic. The rule that only monarchies could send ambassadors was more honored in the breach than the observance.

    This had been true even before the Congress of Vienna, as England continued to appoint ambassadors after becoming a republic in The United States followed the French precedent in , and began to exchange ambassadors with other Great Powers.

    Historically, the order of precedence had been a matter of great dispute. European powers agreed that the papal nuncio and imperial ambassador would have precedence, but could not agree on the relative precedence of the kingdoms and smaller countries.

    In , the French and Russian ambassadors to Great Britain even fought a duel over who had the right to sit next to the imperial ambassador at a court ball.

    After several diplomatic incidents between their ambassadors, France and Spain agreed in to let the date of arrival determine their precedence. In , Portugal attempted to apply seniority to all ambassadors, but the rule was rejected by the other European courts.

    The Congress of Vienna finally put an end to these disputes over precedence. After an initial attempt to divide countries into three ranks faltered on the question of which country should be in each rank, the Congress instead decided to divide diplomats into three ranks.

    A fourth rank was added by the Congress of Aix-la-Chapelle Each diplomatic rank had precedence over the lower ranks, and precedence within each rank was determined by the date that their credentials were presented.

    The papal nuncio could be given a different precedence than the other ambassadors. The Holy Roman Empire had ceased to exist in , so the Austrian ambassador would accumulate seniority along with the other ambassadors.

    In modern diplomatic practice, there are a number of diplomatic ranks below Ambassador. Since most missions are now headed by an ambassador, these ranks now rarely indicate a mission's or its host nation's relative importance, but rather reflect the diplomat's individual seniority within their own nation's diplomatic career path and in the diplomatic corps in the host nation:.

    Furthermore, outside this traditional pattern of bilateral diplomacy, as a rule on a permanent residency basis though sometimes doubling elsewhere , certain ranks and positions were created specifically for multilateral diplomacy:.

    Special envoys have been created ad hoc by individual countries, treaties and international organizations including the United Nations. A few examples are provided below:.

    As its neighbors intervene to remake the region along sectarian or Islamist lines, Egypt has in this respect emerged as perhaps the most prominent status quo player in the Middle East.

    Egypt has neither resolved its longstanding tensions with Iran nor restored full diplomatic relations. It has simply refused to be drawn into regional conflict.

    When these principles are in direct conflict, anti-Islamism still trumps all other considerations. It has also produced an abrasive suspicion, opportunistically stoked by some Egyptian officials, that outside powers seek not just to sway Egypt but to dominate or destabilize it.

    This view, prevalent among the Egyptian people and the governing elite though Sisi has been more realistic , is a function of its size, past centrality, and cultural predominance within the Arab world.

    These countries albeit to varying degrees are able to use their wealth, military power, and regional proxy networks to project power in ways that Egypt simply cannot.

    Geography means that Egypt has continued to play an important role in Libya and Gaza, but elsewhere Cairo has sought to turn its relative weakness into diplomatic currency—for instance by attaching itself to diplomatic initiatives and seeking a position as a broker between rival regional factions, as it did during the Lebanon crisis.

    Egypt is unlikely to anchor a fourth major regional bloc alongside the Saudi-led revanchists, the Iranian hegemonists, and the Turkish-Qatari pro-Islamists, but a regional constituency may well exist for one.

    Yet, while Egypt has been happy to cash foreign checks, it has often rejected foreign advice, whether from Washington or Abu Dhabi.

    For one, rather than face continued pressure from the United States over human rights, Sisi has received an uncritical endorsement and Oval Office embrace from U.

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